| Opponents of the death
penalty have many reasons for their opposition that innocent people may be
executed, that the death penalty is 'uncivilized', that the state should
not take lives. What these arguments really come down to is: Does the threat of
the death penalty deter people from murderous behavior more than the threat of
imprisonment for life? We do not yet know with anything even approaching
certainty whether the death penalty does or does not deter. The question is
clearly empirical, and it is likely that sophisticated statistical techniques
will eventually permit us an answer.
Professor Isaac Ehrlich and his
colleagues, utilizing his statistical techniques, argue that there can be
little doubt about the ability of the death penalty to deter. Ehrlich concludes
that each additional execution prevents about seven or eight people from
committing murder. All statistical arguments on the death penalty are, however,
excruciatingly complex. Some critics, for example, have argued that increased
likelihood of execution leads juries to convict fewer people, thereby
offsetting the deterrent effect. If anything, the empirical evidence is that
the death penalty does deter, but this is inevitably open to dispute. As a
result, firm conclusions that the death penalty either does or does not deter
are unwarranted, and usually determined by one's psychological and moral
leanings.
In academic and media circles,
psychological and moral resistance to the idea of the death penalty usually
leads to the assertion that it does not deter. These people's conclusion may or
may not be correct, but it does not follow from the arguments they deploy.
Since many murders result from emotional impulse (e.g., the angry husband who
kills his wife), the death penalty could have, at best, only the slightest
deterrent effect. If the death penalty deters, it is likely that it does so
through society's saying that certain acts are so unacceptable that society
will kill someone who commits them. The individual internalizes the association
of the act and the penalty throughout his life, constantly increasing his
resistance to committing the act. Note that there is no implication here that
the potential murderer consciously weighs the alternatives and decides that the
crime is worth life in prison, but not death. No serious theory of deterrence
claims that such rational calculation of punishment (as opposed to no rational
calculation, or calculation only of the probability of getting caught) plays a
role. There is no a priori reason for assuming that this process is less
relevant to emotional acts than rational acts. Most husbands, when angry, slam
doors, shout, or sulk. Neither the death penalty nor anything else deterred the
husband who did murder his wife, so the question is not what deterred the
person who did murder (nothing did), but what deterred the person who didn't.
If the death penalty deters, it is, in all likelihood, primarily because it
instills a psychological resistance to the act, not because it offers a
rational argument against committing the act at the time that the decision is
being made. In short, it is only legislators who calculate (or at least should
calculate) the deterrent effect of the death penalty. Potential murderers
simply act. The deterrent effect of the death penalty, if there is one, acts
upon them. If it acts with sufficient strength, it prevents their becoming
murderers. The legislator is the physicist studying the forces that move
particles. The potential murderers are the moving particles.
It is simply untrue that there
is no evidence that the death penalty deters. Ehrlich's complex statistical
techniques establish a real case that the death penalty DOES deter. Let us
assume, for argument's sake, that there was no such evidence. The more
important point is that there is a crucial difference between there being no
evidence that two things are correlated and there being evidence that two
things are not correlated. The latter means that we have good evidence that the
two things are not related. The former means simply that we have no evidence on
either side of the case. Now, it is quite true that we must have some sort of
evidence in order to even entertain the idea that two things are related. Our
reason for not believing that tall Italian men are smarter than short Italian
men is not simply that we have no direct evidence, but also because we have no
informal evidence suggesting that this is true. We do not bother to even
investigate the possibility. It is the lack of relevant informal evidence that
permits us to ignore the difference between not having evidence that the
hypothesis is true and having evidence that the hypothesis is not true. In the
case of penalties, we have an enormous amount of, both informal and formal,
evidence from everyday experience of socializing children and limiting adult
behavior. From such "experiments," such as increasing the fees for
parking violations that, for example, the greater a punishment, the fewer
people will behave in the punished way. Thus, it is perfectly reasonable to
expect that the death penalty would have a more dissuasive effect than would
life imprisonment.
Finally, nearly every popular
article, and many academic articles, invoke the experience of the British with
public hanging of pickpockets as proof that the death penalty does not deter.
The argument sees the fact that pickpocketing continued long after the
introduction of (public) hanging as demonstrating that the death penalty has no
deterrent effect. It demonstrates no such thing, of course. At best, it
demonstrates that not every pickpocket was dissuaded; a fact no one would
doubt. Even if it could be shown that all practicing pickpockets continued to
pick pockets at the same rate, this would still not address the more important
question of whether some people who had not yet become pickpockets were
dissuaded from doing so by the death penalty. I have no idea whether they were,
but neither do those who deny the death penalty's effect.
The death penalty will
inevitably be imposed on some innocent people. This is, of course, true. It is
also true that, if the death penalty deters, the number of innocent people
whose lives are saved will, in all likelihood, dwarf the number of people
executed. Moreover, even the opponent of the death penalty who emphasizes
wrongful executions is willing to sacrifice thousands of lives each year for
the social advantages of motor vehicles. Realizing this, the opponent
differentiates between the death penalty and the use of motor vehicles on the
grounds that: In the case of the death penalty, it is the state that takes a
life. This seems to be an argument but is, in fact, merely a restatement of the
basic ad-hoc moral objection to the death penalty. Therefore, it is fair to
point out that those basing their opposition to the death penalty on the fact
that it is the state that takes a life are, if the death penalty deters,
maintaining their belief by sacrificing the (innocent) people who will be
murdered because the death penalty is not invoked. The death penalty exchanges
"real lives" (those of the executed) for "statistical
lives" (those of the people who will not if the death penalty deters and
is invoked, be murdered). This argument is essentially a sentimental shrinking
from reality. Even if one grants this dubious distinction, this defense is
available only to the pure pacifist. The most justified military action makes
exactly this exchange when it sacrifices many of society's young men in order
to avoid a greater loss of life.
If we do not know whether the
death penalty deters, we should not use it. As we have seen, if the death
penalty deters, it deters the murder of people who are, in addition to being
innocent, in all likelihood more numerous than the murderers who are executed.
Thus, if society does invoke the death penalty on the assumption that the death
penalty deters and is incorrect in this assumption, it unnecessarily accepts
the deaths of a relatively small number of (nearly always guilty) individuals.
On the other hand, if society refuses to invoke the death penalty on the
assumption that the death penalty does not deter and is incorrect in this
assumption, then it unnecessarily accepts the deaths of a relatively large
number of innocent people. Consideration of this casts doubt on the intuitively
plausible claim that, for as long as it is not known whether the death penalty
deters, it should not be used. Supporters of the death penalty might turn this
argument on its head, viz.: If we do not know for certain that the death
penalty does not deter, then we are obliged to use it to save an unknown number
of innocent lives.
The death penalty is
"uncivilized." If the death penalty deters, then, by definition, it
results in a society in which there are fewer murders than there would be if
the death penalty were not invoked. The opponent of the death penalty can, of
course, render this fact irrelevant and immunize his argument by detaching it
from deterrence altogether. He can assert that the death penalty is wrong even
if it deters. He can, in other words, see the death penalty as analogous to
torture for theft: The threat of torture would no doubt deter some people from
theft, but would still be unjustified. This is what is implied in the rejection
of the death penalty on the grounds that it is "uncivilized" or that
it "increases the climate of violence." Ultimately, these defenses of
opposition are as invulnerable to refutation as they are incapable of
persuading anyone who does not already accept their assumption that the
deterrence of murders would not justify the use of the death penalty.
One might ask, however, what,
precisely, are the definitions of "civilization" that see as
"more civilized" a society in which more (innocent) people are
murdered than would be the case if the society did not refuse to use the death
penalty. Indeed, one might ask the opponent of the death penalty just how many
innocent people he is willing to sacrifice to avoid executing the guilty. It is
those who oppose the death penalty who act out of humane motives. Motivation is
irrelevant to the correctness of an empirical claim. However, since nearly
every article on the subject accords to the opponent of the death penalty the
right to claim a greater humanity (a right the opponent invokes with alacrity),
it is worth noting there are alternative views of the opponent's motivation.
One such view is that the opponent's opposition flows not from feelings of
humanity, but from the fact that the opponent can picture the murderer being
executed, while he cannot picture the statistical group of innocent people who
will be murdered if the death penalty deters but is not employed. The picture
of the execution is capable, as the murder of the statistically expected
victims is not, of eliciting guilt and fear of aggression with which the
opponent cannot deal. He rationalizes his avoidance of these with feelings of
humanity, which bolster self-esteem and avoid awareness of his true motivation.
It is
every bit as reasonable to see this as the opponent's
motivation as it is to accept that his opposition flows
from his self-proclaimed greater humanity. Like opponents
of the death penalty, I too hope that the death penalty
does not deter. If this proves to be the case, we will
avoid the terrible choice that deterrence forces upon
us. Unlike the opponents of the death penalty, however,
I do not fool myself into thinking that this hope speaks
well of one's character. After all, it is a hope that
is willing to sacrifice the possibility of saving innocent
people in order to avoid personal psychological pain.
This doesn't count as altruism where I come from.
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